The outcome of PIE *-ē̆i̯(C)# and *-ē̆u̯(C)# in Germanic
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- Hansen, Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard - The outcome of PIE -ē̆i̯(C)# and -ē̆u̯(C)# in Germanic - 2014 - pp. 149-172
Final published version, 569 KB, PDF document
By suggesting an interconnected series of soundlaws for the outcome of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) falling e-vowel diphthongs in final syllables in Proto-Germanic (PG) and in the individual Germanic languages, viz. PIE *-ei̯(C)# > PG *-ai(C)#, PIE *-ēi̯(C)# > PG *-ei(C)#, PIE *-eu̯(C)# > PG *-au(C)#, and PIE *-ēu̯(C)# > PG *-eu(C)#, this article renders superfluous the old, prevalent assumption of competing o-grade allomorphs in some of the oblique cases of the PIE i- and u-stems. Consequently, the i-stem gen.sg. is reconstructed only as PIE *-ei̯s (not as †-ois in addition), the u-stem gen.sg. only as *-eu̯s (not as †-ou̯s), the u-stem loc.sg. only as *-ēu̯ (not as †-ōu̯), the u-stem voc.sg. only as *-eu̯ (not as †-ou̯), etc.
Original language | English |
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Journal | N O W E L E |
Volume | 67 |
Issue number | 2 |
Pages (from-to) | 149-172 |
Number of pages | 24 |
ISSN | 0108-8416 |
DOIs | |
Publication status | Published - 2014 |
- Faculty of Humanities - language history, Indo-European linguistics, Germanic, Auslautgesetze, diphthongs, phonology
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